ahlam1399
01-14-2017, 05:02 AM
Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) may **w find a challenger in interior Sindh in the coming years, as Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F) is making inroads in the emerging political scenario.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, because of his charisma and ability to go to grassroots level, left quite an impact on the minds of the people and made the PPP a 'romance' for its supporters. His execution at the peak of his popularity also made his followers believe that he became the target of military establishment. Thus, Sindh never accepted any attempt from the establishment to defeat the PPP through anti-PPP forces.
But, politics has **w changed and Bhuttos have been replaced by Zardaris after Benazir Bhutto's assassination. Still it will take time as BB's son, Bilawal Bhutto, has **w taken over the party, though he has yet to make an impact.
The JUI-F feels it’s a vacuum they can fill in the coming years.
Maulana Fazlur Rehman has distanced himself from the PPP, and the party's Sindh chapter has decided to launch a movement in interior Sindh from the next month, titled ‘Corruption Mitao, Sindh Bachao’.
Besides, the Maulana has also given signal to his party to contest election against PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari and Asif Ali Zardari from NA-204, Larkana and NA-213, Nawabshah, by forming an anti-PPP alliance.
More importantly, the Sindh government has expressed concerns over the intelligence agencies helping construct a good number of madrassas, allegedly owned or supported by the JUI-F.
The Sindh government decision to launch an operation against some 98 madrassas could also be linked with the growing tension between the PPP and the JUI-F. However, the federal interior ministry has rejected Sindh's request on the ground that specific details about madrassas had **t been provided.
The religious parties, led by JUI-F, had recently forced the Sindh government to withdraw the Sindh Assembly Bill on 'conversion of religion’, which has **w been withdrawn and seen as a major success of the religious parties.
In the past, the dilemma of Sindh politics particularly in the post-Bhutto era had been the establishment way of handling the Sindh politics, whether urban or rural Sindh. Its influence on anti-PPP forces exposed the parties. As a result, whenever these parties came to power, they did it on behest of the establishment.
While the Sindhi nationalist parties and leaders perhaps remain confused for years to enter the electoral politics or **t and by the time they did it, it was too late. The parties like Functional Muslim League, PML-F damaged itself with the tag of 'GHQ’, as the late Pir Pagaro often claimed he was a man from the GHQ. After his death, his son Pir Sibghatullah Shah Rashidi, become spiritual leader of Hur tribe. Despite holding big public meeting soon after he became the new Pir Pagaro, he could **t keep the party united and also failed to get establishment support.
Awami Tehreek, led by veteran Rasul Bux Palejo, once seen as an alternative to PPP, with his fiery speeches and intellect particularly after its historic role in the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD). It was the only party after the PPP that had a strong women wing, Hari Committee and an organisational setup. Palejo was also popular in Punjab and other parts of Pakistan when he was in jail or detained.
But, then Awami Tehreek marginalised itself into ethnic politics and lost the national colour. **w, his son Ayaz Latif Palejo has emerged as an hardworking leader and is challenging the PPP by attacking Sindh government's alleged corruption particularly in Zulfiqarabad.
However, his party is yet to emerge as a party at the national level and its performance in local government elections and national elections is still far behind other parties.
Despite been secular in its politics, the Awami Tehreek could find JUI-F its future electoral partner, along with others as the PML-F is fast losing its leaders and Pir Pagaro needs new partners.
In the last couple of months, some of the PML-F stalwarts had joined the PPP, while others are also in touch with former president, Asif Ali Zardari.
The PML-N, which has never been very interested in Sindh politics, also lost some of its stalwarts and allies like former chief minister Syed Ghous Ali Shah, Arbab Ghulam Rahim, Elahi Bux Soomro, Liaquat Jatoi, Saleem Jan Mazari, who often remained part of the anti-PPP alliance. Some may joined the PPP while others would try to form an independent alliance.
In the last eight years, the JUI-F has made inroads into Sindh and has become one of the most active political force in the province, after the PPP.
Unlike Jamaat-e-Islami, the JUI adopted a more realistic approach in its politics since pre-Partition days, when it was called the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind. Led by Maulana Mufti Mahmood, the JUI understands the political dynamics much better than the JI. In the 1970s, it joined hands with extreme left wing, National Awami Party (NAP) and formed government in Balochistan and the then NWFP (**w Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa).
During General Zia's martial law, the JUI joined hands with MRD and many of its leaders were arrested or detained in Sindh, JI even supported Zia in 1984 referendum and damaged itself.
But, the JUI took maximum advantage in the Afghan war and here too, they took the lead over the JI. While the JI sends many of its activists in Afghan war, the JUI also uses war to establish thousands of madrassas and build a strong workforce for its politics.
Under Gen Musharraf, both the JUI and the JI formed Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) and for the first time in 70 years, the religious parties been able to form a government on its own in KP and become the leading opposition party in 2002 elections. It also got good number of seats in Sindh particularly in Karachi.
For the first time, the JUI realised the absence of its women wing and surrendered most of the women seats to the JI, which has strong women wing. Later, the two parted ways due to differences.
In the last general elections, the JI took a more political decision than the JUI, by joining hands with moderate Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and **w sharing the government in KP.
Their alliance had damaged the JUI the most and even Maulana Fazlur Rehman is finding it difficult to regain its position and decided to join hands with PML-N.
Sindh politics is likely to change in the coming years, as today it has more to do with ma**euvring and intrigues rather links at grassroots level. The JUI-F has posed a challenge to PPP, which at present looks quite indispensable and result may **t be different in the next general election, but, in the form of JUI, the party may face a different challenger.
Sindh politics which by and large remains progressive and secular in nature, for the first time will face challenge of a different nature.
The writer is a senior columnist and analyst of Geo, The News and Jang
http://feeds.feedburner.com/~r/com/cwEr/~4/SpylASIjBjI
أكثر... (http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/com/cwEr/~3/SpylASIjBjI/179112-PPPs-new-challenger-in-interior-Sindh)
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, because of his charisma and ability to go to grassroots level, left quite an impact on the minds of the people and made the PPP a 'romance' for its supporters. His execution at the peak of his popularity also made his followers believe that he became the target of military establishment. Thus, Sindh never accepted any attempt from the establishment to defeat the PPP through anti-PPP forces.
But, politics has **w changed and Bhuttos have been replaced by Zardaris after Benazir Bhutto's assassination. Still it will take time as BB's son, Bilawal Bhutto, has **w taken over the party, though he has yet to make an impact.
The JUI-F feels it’s a vacuum they can fill in the coming years.
Maulana Fazlur Rehman has distanced himself from the PPP, and the party's Sindh chapter has decided to launch a movement in interior Sindh from the next month, titled ‘Corruption Mitao, Sindh Bachao’.
Besides, the Maulana has also given signal to his party to contest election against PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari and Asif Ali Zardari from NA-204, Larkana and NA-213, Nawabshah, by forming an anti-PPP alliance.
More importantly, the Sindh government has expressed concerns over the intelligence agencies helping construct a good number of madrassas, allegedly owned or supported by the JUI-F.
The Sindh government decision to launch an operation against some 98 madrassas could also be linked with the growing tension between the PPP and the JUI-F. However, the federal interior ministry has rejected Sindh's request on the ground that specific details about madrassas had **t been provided.
The religious parties, led by JUI-F, had recently forced the Sindh government to withdraw the Sindh Assembly Bill on 'conversion of religion’, which has **w been withdrawn and seen as a major success of the religious parties.
In the past, the dilemma of Sindh politics particularly in the post-Bhutto era had been the establishment way of handling the Sindh politics, whether urban or rural Sindh. Its influence on anti-PPP forces exposed the parties. As a result, whenever these parties came to power, they did it on behest of the establishment.
While the Sindhi nationalist parties and leaders perhaps remain confused for years to enter the electoral politics or **t and by the time they did it, it was too late. The parties like Functional Muslim League, PML-F damaged itself with the tag of 'GHQ’, as the late Pir Pagaro often claimed he was a man from the GHQ. After his death, his son Pir Sibghatullah Shah Rashidi, become spiritual leader of Hur tribe. Despite holding big public meeting soon after he became the new Pir Pagaro, he could **t keep the party united and also failed to get establishment support.
Awami Tehreek, led by veteran Rasul Bux Palejo, once seen as an alternative to PPP, with his fiery speeches and intellect particularly after its historic role in the Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD). It was the only party after the PPP that had a strong women wing, Hari Committee and an organisational setup. Palejo was also popular in Punjab and other parts of Pakistan when he was in jail or detained.
But, then Awami Tehreek marginalised itself into ethnic politics and lost the national colour. **w, his son Ayaz Latif Palejo has emerged as an hardworking leader and is challenging the PPP by attacking Sindh government's alleged corruption particularly in Zulfiqarabad.
However, his party is yet to emerge as a party at the national level and its performance in local government elections and national elections is still far behind other parties.
Despite been secular in its politics, the Awami Tehreek could find JUI-F its future electoral partner, along with others as the PML-F is fast losing its leaders and Pir Pagaro needs new partners.
In the last couple of months, some of the PML-F stalwarts had joined the PPP, while others are also in touch with former president, Asif Ali Zardari.
The PML-N, which has never been very interested in Sindh politics, also lost some of its stalwarts and allies like former chief minister Syed Ghous Ali Shah, Arbab Ghulam Rahim, Elahi Bux Soomro, Liaquat Jatoi, Saleem Jan Mazari, who often remained part of the anti-PPP alliance. Some may joined the PPP while others would try to form an independent alliance.
In the last eight years, the JUI-F has made inroads into Sindh and has become one of the most active political force in the province, after the PPP.
Unlike Jamaat-e-Islami, the JUI adopted a more realistic approach in its politics since pre-Partition days, when it was called the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind. Led by Maulana Mufti Mahmood, the JUI understands the political dynamics much better than the JI. In the 1970s, it joined hands with extreme left wing, National Awami Party (NAP) and formed government in Balochistan and the then NWFP (**w Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa).
During General Zia's martial law, the JUI joined hands with MRD and many of its leaders were arrested or detained in Sindh, JI even supported Zia in 1984 referendum and damaged itself.
But, the JUI took maximum advantage in the Afghan war and here too, they took the lead over the JI. While the JI sends many of its activists in Afghan war, the JUI also uses war to establish thousands of madrassas and build a strong workforce for its politics.
Under Gen Musharraf, both the JUI and the JI formed Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) and for the first time in 70 years, the religious parties been able to form a government on its own in KP and become the leading opposition party in 2002 elections. It also got good number of seats in Sindh particularly in Karachi.
For the first time, the JUI realised the absence of its women wing and surrendered most of the women seats to the JI, which has strong women wing. Later, the two parted ways due to differences.
In the last general elections, the JI took a more political decision than the JUI, by joining hands with moderate Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and **w sharing the government in KP.
Their alliance had damaged the JUI the most and even Maulana Fazlur Rehman is finding it difficult to regain its position and decided to join hands with PML-N.
Sindh politics is likely to change in the coming years, as today it has more to do with ma**euvring and intrigues rather links at grassroots level. The JUI-F has posed a challenge to PPP, which at present looks quite indispensable and result may **t be different in the next general election, but, in the form of JUI, the party may face a different challenger.
Sindh politics which by and large remains progressive and secular in nature, for the first time will face challenge of a different nature.
The writer is a senior columnist and analyst of Geo, The News and Jang
http://feeds.feedburner.com/~r/com/cwEr/~4/SpylASIjBjI
أكثر... (http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/com/cwEr/~3/SpylASIjBjI/179112-PPPs-new-challenger-in-interior-Sindh)