ahlam1399
08-29-2016, 04:30 AM
It is more than a battle of nerves between Dr Farooq Sattar and Mustafa Kamal – both being a MQM product but **w with a different political vision. One still in the MQM, the other heads his own party, PSP.
It’s a battle for Karachi where stakes are too high for too many people but everyone k**ws in the backdrop of Sindh peculiar politics that the vote bank of urban Sindh remains ‘Mohajir specific’.
While Kamal sees it as an opportunity to emerge as possible replacement of MQM, Sattar k**ws the dynamics both within and outside MQM. He is facing a dilemma as how to rescue MQM from the crisis emerging after Altaf Hussain’s continued verbal attack on Pakistan, which, for the party, has become unacceptable.
As Kamal is trying to give a message that Altaf’s politics is MQM’s politics and he only used ‘Mohajir card’, Sattar k**ws that this very card is still valid and only needed to be used without Altaf’s cult. If he succeeds in converting it into a party cult, the MQM can even become stronger as a political party. If he fails, there could be a serious political turmoil.
The role of the establishment and the PPP-led Sindh government is very important. If some of their actions increased sense of deprivation among the MQM vote bank and the MQM Pakistan fails, the politics in Sindh will be more directionless and the existing extremism can overcome politics of arguments.
Therefore, even mainstream parties – Jamaat-e-Islami, PTI and PPP – are watching the situation and await the final showdown which can make space, if it creates a vacuum. However, Sattar is **t ready to give up and provide space and the manner in which the party is intact with the MQM Pakistan gives him a ray of hope.
Sattar’s job is tough as compared to Kamal and he, despite pressure from all sides, has kept his nerves and faced tough questions **t only from top media anchors but from political opponents. It’s a much difficult situation than the previous two operations where, despite a split in 1991, and a mini revolt led by its founding chairman Azeem Tariq, the MQM remained intact.
The biggest challenge for Sattar is how to replace or delete the name of Altaf from the party’s constitution. Mere abolishing the party chief’s veto power perhaps will **t help; however, the MQM Pakistan, by taking away all decision-making powers from him, will ** more require his final approval. But it has **t eased the pressure and they may **w go for a new party constitution, as options are quite limited in the present setup.
The party’s legal experts are working on it. Altaf was the MQM Quaid when he was a Pakistani national and still continues as ‘Quaid-e-Tehreek’ even when he opted for British nationality. His anti-Pakistan speeches has made the job easier for Sattar and MQM Pakistan – firstly to completely detach itself from him and condemn his statements and secondly convince the voters that it is **t possible to support Altaf anymore, which they had done till August 22. Thus, Sattar believes that in this way, they will be able to keep the vote bank intact.
The second biggest challenge for Sattar and MQM would be to ask its legal team to distance themselves from the cases pending against Altaf. At present, party’s two senior lawyers – Senator Farogh Nasim or Barrister Saif – have been defending him in London. **w, the two may be told **t to appear for him. If that happens, it would further establish his position regarding keeping distance from the party founder.
Altaf Hussain and MQM London have so far remained silent over the developments in Pakistan, but it can ultimately lead to a breakup which may be a turning point. Within the MQM London too, reports suggest, all is **t well. The MQM leader can be asked to retire or quit politics. For all practical purposes, he is persona **n grata in Pakistan and can face the worst isolation, if the British government takes a firm action on the charges of inciting violence.
On the other hand, Kamal still has two years to establish his party as a replacement of MQM. He would have got the space, had Sattar and his team quitted the party or the MQM London had sacked them. If the MQM Pakistan succeeds in distance itself from London and Altaf quits or accepts this position, things would **t be easy for PSP.
Kamal and his team mostly comprise the MQM dissidents, but his politics is different from Afaq Ahmad who was the first leader to revolt against Altaf, but kept his Mohajir politics. The former mayor and his team opted to national politics and had decided **t to follow ethnic lines.
The PSP leader has come up with a different vision in which he wants Mohajirs to dump ethnic politics and join national politics. However, he has **t yet been able to present new concept or programme except that he believes that the solution to the core problem is devolution of powers from the Centre to provinces up to unions and town committees. The PTI and its leader Imran Khan too believe in the same vision.
Kamal still regards Pervez Musharraf highly and considers Lt-Gen (r) Tanveer Naqvi’s formula of local government system as a solution to the key problems. But he has a challenge to change the perception that PSP had **t been launched by the establishment to replace MQM.
The mainstream political parties and leaders have **t yet taken PSP seriously and still want to see the success or failure of Sattar’s attempt to save the party and distance itself from Altaf.
Sattar has some advantages over his old colleague, Kamal. He has been on the national political scene since 1987 and became an experienced political campaigner as an MNA after serving as mayor from 1987 to 1991. Secondly, he remained a very strong political face of MQM in almost all political negotiations. Many political pundits and even TV anchors ack**wledged his ability to answer tough questions without losing patience.
Kamal emerged as a soft face of MQM after 2002 when he was elected as mayor. Musharraf held Kamal’s ability as a mayor in high regard, but Sattar remained more close to the MQM workers than Kamal. Despite being a presentable face, he has a problem with his temperament which made him unpopular in the MQM.
Kamal had a chance to earn recognition and show his political skill when **minated as senator, which proved to be the beginning of his differences with Altaf, as he wanted to be retained as mayor. In fact, Anis Qaimkhani, who along with Kamal left the party after been humiliated during the general body meeting after 2013 elections, remained more close to party workers than Kamal, who quitted Senate after leaving the MQM.
Perhaps, Qaimkhani, who is **w in jail, understands the ethnic polarisation and why it would be difficult for PSP to dump the Mohajir factor, as MQM vote bank in urban centres outside Karachi is still **t ready to join mainstream politics because of ethnicity-dominated fear factor.
It would **t be easy for the Mohajir voters to switch loyalties unless a similar political change comes in rural Sindh, where the PPP voters have **t changed their mindset, despite PPP’s poor performance.
If the MQM voters cast vote on the basis of ‘identity’, the voters in rural Sindh vote for PPP because they believe that the establishment is responsible for hanging Bhutto. Later, the assassination of Benazir Bhutto further increased the fear of Islamabad or Punjab among Sindhis. Therefore, Kamal is facing a challenge of recognition and to convince the voters that the politics of Mohajir identity was wrong and they were only used.
Sattar, who k**ws the political dynamics and psyche of Mohajir voters more than Kamal because of his exposure, has decided to move slowly to convert ‘cult politics’ into party specific.
The MQM Pakistan has the option to revive its structure and made it more democratic. In the first phase, they can delete the term Quaid-e-Tehreek and rephrase party’s preamble. In the past three decades, the organisational structure was changed more than once.
When All Pakistan Mohajir Student Organisation (APMSO) was converted into Mohajir Qaumi Movement in 1984, the party named Altaf as Quaid, who would **t contest elections, while it had chairman, vice-chairman, secretary general, finance secretary and two joint secretaries with its organisation divided into zones.
The term Quaid had been coined by the MQM elders who mostly belonged to bureaucratic and intellectual class from the title of Quaid-e-Azam and Quaid-e-Millat. But these two leaders had been given this title by the people and the MQM never had an organisational structure like that of Muslim League.
The PPP gave the title of Quaid-e-Awam to its founder Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, but that too had never been in the party constitution.
In 1991, the MQM, after the first split led by its two zonal –in-charges Afaq Ahmad and Aamir Khan, had disbanded its organisational structure and replaced it with Rabita Committee. On the other hand, the posts of chairman and secretary general were replaced with convener and deputy convener respectively.
Even someone like Kamal reacted against demolishing the MQM ******s and arresting women workers, terming it as an attempt to favour Altaf. He demanded action against the MQM founder for his anti-Pakistan stance and has increased the pressure on Sattar, in what appears to be a political move to see London’s action against MQM Pakistan. He k**ws that if something like that happens, the PSP can fill the vacuum. Whether it can or will be filled by Jamaat-e-Islami and PTI is a different matter.
The ball **w is in Mohajirs’ court, whether they go for the party they have been associated for three decades or opt to a new party of dissidents and led by Kamal or go for someone like PTI or Jamaat-e-Islami. In any case, they may **t like to dump their identity.
Time is on voters’ side and all the parties, particularly Sattar and Kamal, still have two years to convince the voters before the next elections which would be the barometer of popularity.
The writer is a senior columnist and analyst for Geo, The News and Jang.
http://feeds.feedburner.com/~r/com/YEor/~4/lTGSNhfasu0
أكثر... (http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/com/YEor/~3/lTGSNhfasu0/146096-The-battle-for-Karachi)
It’s a battle for Karachi where stakes are too high for too many people but everyone k**ws in the backdrop of Sindh peculiar politics that the vote bank of urban Sindh remains ‘Mohajir specific’.
While Kamal sees it as an opportunity to emerge as possible replacement of MQM, Sattar k**ws the dynamics both within and outside MQM. He is facing a dilemma as how to rescue MQM from the crisis emerging after Altaf Hussain’s continued verbal attack on Pakistan, which, for the party, has become unacceptable.
As Kamal is trying to give a message that Altaf’s politics is MQM’s politics and he only used ‘Mohajir card’, Sattar k**ws that this very card is still valid and only needed to be used without Altaf’s cult. If he succeeds in converting it into a party cult, the MQM can even become stronger as a political party. If he fails, there could be a serious political turmoil.
The role of the establishment and the PPP-led Sindh government is very important. If some of their actions increased sense of deprivation among the MQM vote bank and the MQM Pakistan fails, the politics in Sindh will be more directionless and the existing extremism can overcome politics of arguments.
Therefore, even mainstream parties – Jamaat-e-Islami, PTI and PPP – are watching the situation and await the final showdown which can make space, if it creates a vacuum. However, Sattar is **t ready to give up and provide space and the manner in which the party is intact with the MQM Pakistan gives him a ray of hope.
Sattar’s job is tough as compared to Kamal and he, despite pressure from all sides, has kept his nerves and faced tough questions **t only from top media anchors but from political opponents. It’s a much difficult situation than the previous two operations where, despite a split in 1991, and a mini revolt led by its founding chairman Azeem Tariq, the MQM remained intact.
The biggest challenge for Sattar is how to replace or delete the name of Altaf from the party’s constitution. Mere abolishing the party chief’s veto power perhaps will **t help; however, the MQM Pakistan, by taking away all decision-making powers from him, will ** more require his final approval. But it has **t eased the pressure and they may **w go for a new party constitution, as options are quite limited in the present setup.
The party’s legal experts are working on it. Altaf was the MQM Quaid when he was a Pakistani national and still continues as ‘Quaid-e-Tehreek’ even when he opted for British nationality. His anti-Pakistan speeches has made the job easier for Sattar and MQM Pakistan – firstly to completely detach itself from him and condemn his statements and secondly convince the voters that it is **t possible to support Altaf anymore, which they had done till August 22. Thus, Sattar believes that in this way, they will be able to keep the vote bank intact.
The second biggest challenge for Sattar and MQM would be to ask its legal team to distance themselves from the cases pending against Altaf. At present, party’s two senior lawyers – Senator Farogh Nasim or Barrister Saif – have been defending him in London. **w, the two may be told **t to appear for him. If that happens, it would further establish his position regarding keeping distance from the party founder.
Altaf Hussain and MQM London have so far remained silent over the developments in Pakistan, but it can ultimately lead to a breakup which may be a turning point. Within the MQM London too, reports suggest, all is **t well. The MQM leader can be asked to retire or quit politics. For all practical purposes, he is persona **n grata in Pakistan and can face the worst isolation, if the British government takes a firm action on the charges of inciting violence.
On the other hand, Kamal still has two years to establish his party as a replacement of MQM. He would have got the space, had Sattar and his team quitted the party or the MQM London had sacked them. If the MQM Pakistan succeeds in distance itself from London and Altaf quits or accepts this position, things would **t be easy for PSP.
Kamal and his team mostly comprise the MQM dissidents, but his politics is different from Afaq Ahmad who was the first leader to revolt against Altaf, but kept his Mohajir politics. The former mayor and his team opted to national politics and had decided **t to follow ethnic lines.
The PSP leader has come up with a different vision in which he wants Mohajirs to dump ethnic politics and join national politics. However, he has **t yet been able to present new concept or programme except that he believes that the solution to the core problem is devolution of powers from the Centre to provinces up to unions and town committees. The PTI and its leader Imran Khan too believe in the same vision.
Kamal still regards Pervez Musharraf highly and considers Lt-Gen (r) Tanveer Naqvi’s formula of local government system as a solution to the key problems. But he has a challenge to change the perception that PSP had **t been launched by the establishment to replace MQM.
The mainstream political parties and leaders have **t yet taken PSP seriously and still want to see the success or failure of Sattar’s attempt to save the party and distance itself from Altaf.
Sattar has some advantages over his old colleague, Kamal. He has been on the national political scene since 1987 and became an experienced political campaigner as an MNA after serving as mayor from 1987 to 1991. Secondly, he remained a very strong political face of MQM in almost all political negotiations. Many political pundits and even TV anchors ack**wledged his ability to answer tough questions without losing patience.
Kamal emerged as a soft face of MQM after 2002 when he was elected as mayor. Musharraf held Kamal’s ability as a mayor in high regard, but Sattar remained more close to the MQM workers than Kamal. Despite being a presentable face, he has a problem with his temperament which made him unpopular in the MQM.
Kamal had a chance to earn recognition and show his political skill when **minated as senator, which proved to be the beginning of his differences with Altaf, as he wanted to be retained as mayor. In fact, Anis Qaimkhani, who along with Kamal left the party after been humiliated during the general body meeting after 2013 elections, remained more close to party workers than Kamal, who quitted Senate after leaving the MQM.
Perhaps, Qaimkhani, who is **w in jail, understands the ethnic polarisation and why it would be difficult for PSP to dump the Mohajir factor, as MQM vote bank in urban centres outside Karachi is still **t ready to join mainstream politics because of ethnicity-dominated fear factor.
It would **t be easy for the Mohajir voters to switch loyalties unless a similar political change comes in rural Sindh, where the PPP voters have **t changed their mindset, despite PPP’s poor performance.
If the MQM voters cast vote on the basis of ‘identity’, the voters in rural Sindh vote for PPP because they believe that the establishment is responsible for hanging Bhutto. Later, the assassination of Benazir Bhutto further increased the fear of Islamabad or Punjab among Sindhis. Therefore, Kamal is facing a challenge of recognition and to convince the voters that the politics of Mohajir identity was wrong and they were only used.
Sattar, who k**ws the political dynamics and psyche of Mohajir voters more than Kamal because of his exposure, has decided to move slowly to convert ‘cult politics’ into party specific.
The MQM Pakistan has the option to revive its structure and made it more democratic. In the first phase, they can delete the term Quaid-e-Tehreek and rephrase party’s preamble. In the past three decades, the organisational structure was changed more than once.
When All Pakistan Mohajir Student Organisation (APMSO) was converted into Mohajir Qaumi Movement in 1984, the party named Altaf as Quaid, who would **t contest elections, while it had chairman, vice-chairman, secretary general, finance secretary and two joint secretaries with its organisation divided into zones.
The term Quaid had been coined by the MQM elders who mostly belonged to bureaucratic and intellectual class from the title of Quaid-e-Azam and Quaid-e-Millat. But these two leaders had been given this title by the people and the MQM never had an organisational structure like that of Muslim League.
The PPP gave the title of Quaid-e-Awam to its founder Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, but that too had never been in the party constitution.
In 1991, the MQM, after the first split led by its two zonal –in-charges Afaq Ahmad and Aamir Khan, had disbanded its organisational structure and replaced it with Rabita Committee. On the other hand, the posts of chairman and secretary general were replaced with convener and deputy convener respectively.
Even someone like Kamal reacted against demolishing the MQM ******s and arresting women workers, terming it as an attempt to favour Altaf. He demanded action against the MQM founder for his anti-Pakistan stance and has increased the pressure on Sattar, in what appears to be a political move to see London’s action against MQM Pakistan. He k**ws that if something like that happens, the PSP can fill the vacuum. Whether it can or will be filled by Jamaat-e-Islami and PTI is a different matter.
The ball **w is in Mohajirs’ court, whether they go for the party they have been associated for three decades or opt to a new party of dissidents and led by Kamal or go for someone like PTI or Jamaat-e-Islami. In any case, they may **t like to dump their identity.
Time is on voters’ side and all the parties, particularly Sattar and Kamal, still have two years to convince the voters before the next elections which would be the barometer of popularity.
The writer is a senior columnist and analyst for Geo, The News and Jang.
http://feeds.feedburner.com/~r/com/YEor/~4/lTGSNhfasu0
أكثر... (http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/com/YEor/~3/lTGSNhfasu0/146096-The-battle-for-Karachi)