Sabrina Carpenter took the Stage Tonight at the 2025 MTV Video Music Awards, at Long Island’s Ubs Arena, to Perform Her Man’s Best Friend cut “Tears.” She Emerged From A Manhole Into a Throwback New York Skene. Around HER, Dancers and Drag Queens Held Up Signs With Messages of Trans Solidarity. The Number culminated in some choreography Complete with literal waterworks. Watch it Happen Below.

Carpenter was in the running for nine awards tonight, Having Earned Nominations for Video of the Year, Best Album, Best Pop Artist, and Many for “Manchild. Earlier This Year, Carpenter Won Her First-Go Grammy Award, Best Pop Solo Performance, for The Short ‘n sweeet Breakout hit “Espresso.”

Tonight was Carpenter’s Second Time Performing Live at the Vmas, Having the Made Her Debut at Last Year’s Event to Sing a Medley of Short ‘n sweeet Singles.

Read About “Manchild” in “20 Consters for the 2025 Song of the Summer” and Follow Along With All of Pitchfork’s Coverage of the 2025 MTV Video Music Awards.

Illustration: Ward Sutton

Three summers ago, a worker stood up at “Q&A,” Facebook’s weekly all-hands, town-hall-style meeting, which is usually held on Friday afternoons in Menlo Park and livestreamed to its offices around the world — and aggressively closed to the public and press — to ask Mark Zuckerberg whether the company had a plan in case the public turned against it, like what had happened to the big banks a few years earlier.

Zuckerberg didn’t even know how to answer the question. That backlash won’t happen, he said, as long as the company keeps shipping products people like. Some conservative commentators had been accusing Facebook, with little evidence, of censoring their voices, but the company remained popular. Hillary Clinton, sure to be the next president, was shaping up to be a great friend of Facebook’s and of tech titans in general. In fact, there were few more reliable allies of Silicon Valley in national politics than the Democratic Party. Democrats and many of Silicon Valley’s leaders were partners on everything from campaign funding to voter-data programs. Sheryl Sandberg, of Lean In fame, had traveled to Clinton’s Brooklyn headquarters to talk about gender equality with the candidate and her staff almost as soon as the campaign launched in 2015. The following August, Laurene Powell Jobs, Steve Jobs’s widow, held an intimate dinner for Clinton and about 20 industry leaders, each of whom paid $200,000 to be there. Around that time, Sandberg was widely considered a contender to be Clinton’s Treasury secretary, and other Silicon Valley bigwigs, such as Google CFO Ruth Porat, were the subjects of Cabinet talk too. That spring, Apple CEO Tim Cook found himself on Clinton’s initial list of potential running mates, and on Election Night, Google chairman Eric Schmidt — who’d played an important role in guiding the party’s data operations since 2008 — walked around the Javits Center wearing a staff credential.

Three years later, things couldn’t look more different. Leaders of Silicon Valley and the Democratic Party are, if not exactly at war, in some ugly early stage of a protracted, high-powered, acrimonious divorce. A new phase of regulatory crackdown has delivered fines, like $5 billion for Facebook’s mishandling of user information (a slap on the wrist that caused genuine panic among other tech companies that can’t afford the same fate). This month, members of the House demanded personal emails from executives at Amazon, Apple, Facebook, and Google. But the split has also exposed the underlying marriage of party and industry as more a union of convenience than either side thought back in the Obama era, when liberals saw in the Bay Area a natural ally of technocratic progress. Perhaps no one had bothered to discuss the ideological details.

Broadly speaking, Silicon Valley remains socially liberal and anti-Trump. Its boards and executive floors are stacked with Obama-administration alums. But what once seemed like an intuitive mutual understanding between the emerging Democratic majority and the robber barons of the 21st century has grown into something more mutually suspicious, sometimes even hostile. Technologists no longer unquestioningly assume the more liberal party actually shares their values, and Washington Democrats are no longer willing to be seen by tech billionaires as know-nothing functionaries who can be counted on to do their bidding. In 2017, when a nationwide listening tour prompted widespread speculation that he was running for president, Mark Zuckerberg was asked about his political plans at another company Q&A. No offense to the presidency, he said, but I already run a community of 2 billion people. Today, tech leaders are baffled and angry that Democrats so routinely question their motives. Who do they think they are?

And while it took the 2008 financial crisis — and the decade of fallout that followed — to tear Democrats from Wall Street, the onset of their breakup with Silicon Valley happened much more abruptly.

This decoupling reflects the tarnished reputations of once-gleaming companies like Facebook, Google, and Amazon, still widely trusted but increasingly damaged, especially on the left, by public furor over election interference, monopolistic practices, and labor policies. It reflects, too, a more populist Democratic Party, which sees tech monopolies not as the swaggering future of corporate America but as a target for a revived antitrust movement. (“The fact that within the first five minutes of the first debate of the entire season, antitrust came up — how far are we from 2008?” asks Facebook co-founder and Obama 2008 “online organizing guru” Chris Hughes, who in May called for the company’s dismantling and labeled his Harvard roommate Zuckerberg’s power “unprecedented and un-American.”)

Partly it reflects the rise of the alt-right and increasingly open libertarian sympathies among leaders in Silicon Valley, along with the growing divide between some of those bosses and the rank and file, who are much less comfortable with Trump. (Elizabeth Warren was the biggest recipient of Google-employee campaign donations over the first half of 2019, even as she threatened to separate the company’s central businesses.)

But this isn’t just an ideological story or an inevitable one. Some blame for the breakup lies with the calculated maneuvers of just a few politicians on the rise and the blunders of a few big-money techies looking to play politics, with neither party willing to pay the deference the other felt was required. Democrats might’ve been a lot more willing to forgive the sins of Big Tech if its executives had performed even the smallest show of political humility or contrition in their responses to political scandals or in their outreach to candidates.

Or if some hadn’t been so shameless in their courting of Trump or their ham-fisted playacting of distance from Democrats in response to Republican accusations of bias — one leading industry group presented its Internet Freedom Award to Ivanka Trump in May, for instance. Complaining about tech leaders, the chair of one state Democratic Party told me that at this point, “the only way for them to redeem themselves is to write big checks, which they’re not doing.”

Illustration: Ward Sutton

If the question about banks befuddled Zuckerberg at the town hall, it would’ve made sense to Warren, who, in private meetings on Capitol Hill as early as mid-2017, was explicitly comparing the country’s tech leviathans to the pre-regulation giants of high finance because of their information advantages over consumers and their D.C. influence. Over the next two years, she effectively made it politically impossible for her serious rivals to offer Silicon Valley outright praise. BREAK UP BIG TECH read a billboard her campaign put up outside San Francisco’s main Caltrain station this spring.

Last September, Bernie Sanders re-branded legislation from Bay Area congressman Ro Khanna as the “Stop Bad Employers by Zeroing Out Subsidies Act” (Stop BEZOS), aiming to pressure Amazon into increasing workers’ wages. Sensing trouble, Amazon calculated it would be worth back-channeling with Sanders’s staff and invited the Vermont senator on a warehouse tour even as he ratcheted up public pressure. Sanders pushed on, and in October Amazon announced a $15 minimum wage for its U.S. workers. Sanders got no heads-up, but the left felt empowered. The company was reluctant to play nice again if it meant another public capitulation. The next month, when Amazon announced its deal to place a second headquarters in Long Island City, it did no concerted outreach to progressive activists, figuring it already had sufficient support from New York’s Democratic mayor and governor, the latter having jokingly offered to change his name to “Amazon Cuomo.” As opposition to the deal soon mounted, both Cuomo and Mayor Bill de Blasio failed to get Bezos on the phone, instead only occasionally connecting with Jay Carney, the former Obama White House press secretary now running Amazon’s comms and policy arms. Amazon had enough of the leftward pressure and pulled out in February.

“Amazon came, Amazon left,” Warren crowed a few weeks later in Long Island City, announcing a new plan to “break up” the biggest tech firms (which would actually have regulators undo a series of tech mergers). “You know, that is the problem in America today — we have these giant tech companies that think they rule the Earth. They think they can come to towns, cities, and states and bully everyone into doing what they want.”

Not everyone in the party saw it like that. Among the 2020 candidates, none have tried having it both ways on tech more than Pete Buttigieg, the contender who could fit most seamlessly into Sand Hill Road tomorrow if he wanted to. Buttigieg was Facebook’s 287th user as an undergrad, knew Zuckerberg at Harvard, and hosted him in South Bend in 2017. He has criticized Google and appeared with striking Uber and Lyft drivers, but he has also raised money from or staged fund-raisers hosted by Netflix chief Reed Hastings; former Facebook exec Chris Cox; Uber’s Chelsea Kohler; Google’s Scott Kohler, John Flippen, Jacob Helberg, and Clay Bavor; Nest’s Matt Rogers; Quora’s Charlie Cheever; and Groupon’s Andrew Mason. Buttigieg also tapped a Square and Kleiner Perkins alum, Swati Mylavarapu, to run his finance operation and a former Google big shot, Sonal Shah, to lead his policy shop.

But even Buttigieg’s growing Silicon Valley financial network pales in comparison to the operations assembled for candidates in recent election cycles after the door between Big Tech and campaigns burst wide open with Obama in 2008 and the industry cemented its role alongside Hollywood and Wall Street as one of the party’s biggest backers. One reason for this is that the field of candidates is so big that investors are still hedging their bets, giving to Joe Biden, Kamala Harris, Cory Booker, and others. Yet none of the candidates has publicly visited any of the tech behemoths in person, unlike in previous election cycles, when a Google stop was part of the campaign circuit for aspirants aiming to prove their savvy.

The general cooling has shown up in more conspicuous places as well. Whereas tech giants co-sponsored many primary debates in recent election cycles — Facebook hosted two Democratic and two Republican debates in the 2016 race, while Twitter and YouTube each sponsored a Democratic one — this spring the companies made it clear to the debates’ organizers that they would no longer participate. Onstage at the first debate in June, Booker was pushed to name specific companies when discussing the dangers of corporate consolidation, and he responded with a juxtaposition that would have been unthinkable a few years earlier. “I will single out companies like Halliburton or Amazon that pay nothing in taxes,” Booker said. No one batted an eye at the comparison of Amazon (which had hosted a big presidential address from Obama in his second term) to Dick Cheney’s old company, and the moderators moved on.

Tech’s battered image goes only so far in explaining the Democratic Party’s retreat. Tech overreach may have been just as important — Silicon Valley billionaires’ being unwilling or unable to play nice with political veterans and what the tech crowd saw as their old, fusty rules when they did choose to get involved.

LinkedIn co-founder Reid Hoffman, for one, let the Democratic Establishment know he meant to innovate them into the future over the weekend of Trump’s inauguration. Hoffman — who’d advised Obama and Clinton, then finished Election Night 2016 by watching The West Wing’s pilot — stood alongside Zynga founder Mark Pincus at a secluded gathering of party donors in southern Florida and pitched them on a platform that would empower voters to pick issues to pressure Congress about. That project was greeted with groans when shared more widely, like many “disruptive” initiatives brought to Democrats in the aftermath of that humbling election. “It’s hubris that these folks believe they can do anything and everything better than anyone else and that if you just give them some time and money they’ll be able to fix it,” one senior party leader told me.

This dynamic was well illustrated by WeWork co-founder Adam Neumann, who’d never demonstrated much interest in domestic politics before. (Hoffman, at least, has been a big Democratic supporter for years.) The Israeli-born businessman, who in the past few weeks has reportedly decided to cut the valuation of his company precipitously in advance of an IPO, recently talked with a political pro about the feasibility of changing the laws so people not born in the U.S. could run for president. He was told that this would be quite an undertaking and that it was unrealistic—it would require a change to the Constitution. Neumann was then asked if he might consider running for governor or mayor in New York. According to someone familiar with the conversation, he replied, “Once you’ve reached my level of success, only president will do.” (A person close to Neumann says he was kidding about the requirements for running for office and denied he said that line.)

Dustin Moskovitz, perhaps the least-known Facebook co-founder, rose from obscurity in late 2016 to become the Democrats’ newest megadonor, one multimillion-dollar check for liberal groups at a time. Others, such as Hoffman’s LinkedIn co-founder Allen Blue, launched groups like DigiDems, promising to help the party’s political-technology efforts. It looked at first like a new era for Democrats’ relationships with their Silicon Valley backers, and the party’s central infrastructure responded in kind: The DNC began its internal data overhaul by hiring Raffi Krikorian, an Uber and Twitter engineering alum.

It took only months for cracks to show. In Krikorian’s first speech to DNC partners, in October 2017 in Las Vegas, the political novice sought to rouse the crowd by lauding the democratization of data and calling for access to the party’s voter files to be granted to all who consider themselves Democrats — not realizing this would endanger a major revenue stream for state Democratic Party organizations and potentially endanger incumbent lawmakers.

Meanwhile, Hoffman had partnered with a Democratic operative named Dmitri Mehlhorn and formed an all-purpose political shop called Investing in US, which sent Hoffman’s considerable money to a huge range of new initiatives, including widely heralded resistance-era groups like Run for Something and Indivisible. But in Virginia, the site of the group’s first major electoral investments, party officials who had originally been thrilled with Hoffman’s efforts and involvement began to chafe. They believed Mehlhorn was pressuring them to use political tools from Higher Ground Labs, one of the Investing in US beneficiaries. At the same time, he was funding an outside group, WinVirginia, rather than directly supporting local candidates in need of financial help. This group plowed money into conservative legislative districts even as Virginia’s Democratic leaders pleaded with it — unsuccessfully — to spend in more moderate areas they were already targeting. At one point, WinVirginia asked for access to the state party’s voter-data file only to be rejected by fed-up officials. Mehlhorn didn’t help matters in their eyes when he took what local pols saw as a victory lap that fall, claiming credit for Democrats’ widespread wins.

But by then, his reaction wasn’t much of a surprise to D.C. Democrats. When Mehlhorn arrived for a meeting with a Democratic super-PAC about potential collaborations on projects, including Alabama’s 2017 Senate race, things quickly went off the rails. Operatives there said they found him nervous to the point of paranoia when it came to security threats. As he spoke to them, at first he occasionally skipped words and wrote them down on a whiteboard instead, as if to avoid being recorded. Then, as the political team members explained their work to him, he asked how in-depth their message testing was. One of the operatives responded that it had matched the population segments they were targeting. “Okay,” said Mehlhorn. “Well, I think of the prehistoric megafauna.” The political veterans in the room were confused, so Mehlhorn continued. “White college women on campuses in Florida—they all voted for Trump because they have guns in their purses because they think black athletes are going to rape them.”

The operative froze, stunned. Mehlhorn appeared to be asking them to target racist white college women worried that Democrats would take their guns. The group’s leader cut in: “Dmitri, two things we will never do — foment hate against persecuted groups and send the wrong election date to people.”

“Okay, well, agree on the first; agree to disagree on the second,” Mehlhorn replied, according to multiple participants in the meeting. (Mehlhorn says this recounting of the exchange is “flatly misleading”: “One participant made a remark about GOP dirty tricks such as mailers and robocalls articulating false election dates. In response, I made an unfunny joke, and the room laughed—not because it was funny but because it wasn’t. None of us suggested or even considered that idea as one our side would undertake.”)

The conversation continued, pivoting to Alabama. But first Mehlhorn wanted to know if the super-PAC had a SCIF (a “sensitive compartmented information facility”) in the office. When told no but that there was another conference room if the current one wasn’t good enough, they moved to the second space. There, he had the political team unplug all the electronics in the room, including the TV monitor, and asked his hosts to put their phones in pouches to block surveillance. (He didn’t seem to notice the Apple Watches on his counterparts’ wrists.) He then pitched them on using billboards to advertise out-of-state events to white supremacists on Election Day and on boosting a conservative third-party candidate. He left the office with no collaboration agreement, though the New York Times later reported that a $100,000 Hoffman donation did go to a group experimenting with Russian-inspired social-media tactics meant to tank the candidacy of Republican Roy Moore. Hoffman apologized, saying he’d been unaware of the project, and promised to track his political investments more closely.

After the midterms, Mehlhorn’s team prepared a 15-page slide presentation outlining its work, a copy of which New York obtained. It is called “The Promethean Project,” and the slides detail the breadth of the group’s investments, listing 30 organizations it had funded or worked with, divided into categories like “New, Innovative Technology Tools,” “Changing the Culture of Voting and Increasing Turnout,” and “Fueling Resistance Energy: Candidates and Volunteers.” Among them are well-known and emerging partners like MoveOn and BlackPAC; some were helping redefine the modern Democratic Party in the Trump era, but others, like MotiveAI, got into trouble during the midterms for their unconventional work. (MotiveAI was found to be tied to Facebook groups including one page called “The Keg Bros” that both attacked Trump donor Rebekah Mercer and wrote that Representative Tulsi Gabbard “makes us want to go Democrat,” labeling her a “certified C.W.I.L.F.,” a sexist acronym for “congresswoman I’d like to …”) The presentation says the experiments “communicated with” over 20 million voters in 53 House districts during the midterms.

But the deck offers no mention of the Hoffman-funded initiative causing the most agita in some D.C. circles. Before news broke of the unseemly electoral experiments Hoffman had paid for in Alabama, the team began telling allies about a $35 million project they called Alloy, an attempt to build a voter-data venture outside the DNC run by three former Obama aides: Mikey Dickerson, Haley Van Dyck, and former U.S. chief technology officer Todd Park. At first, party officials feared the undertaking would interfere with their own centralized efforts to reinvent the Democrats’ data program. More than once, they sat down with Hoffman’s team members to make the case that building a parallel voter file would lead to a logistical and political nightmare for Democratic groups and candidates. By mid-2019, it sounded to Democratic officials as though the plan had shifted slightly — it would now be more of a data warehouse for party-affiliated groups — and as the year progressed, Mehlhorn met often with party officials to keep them posted. At times, said people who’ve met with his team, he expressed exasperation about their animus toward Hoffman, and when asked why his group wouldn’t just invest in the party’s existing centralized data program, he said this outside work was more efficient and allowed his team to avoid difficult party officials and campaigns.

Leaders of top Democratic groups mused privately about no longer taking Hoffman’s money, but conversations between the sides continued and hope of a data collaboration persists, particularly among those who readily acknowledge the success of some of the groups he has funded. On June 25, the DNC received just its third check this year for the legal maximum, $865,000. It was from Hoffman. Within a month, he sent over 40 state Democratic parties $10,000 each. And in August, Democratic operatives started hearing about Mehlhorn’s next plans. Among the projects: researching various voter groups, including “softer” white nationalists.

Facebook’s entry into Democratic politics was considerably more cautious but perhaps no more self-aware. Mark Zuckerberg had first tried engaging a bit with politics by funding FWD.us, an immigration group, starting in 2013, but it was Sheryl Sandberg, a Treasury Department alum, who had first pushed the company to build up its presence in Washington. No one ever thought Zuckerberg would do much lobbying; he was too busy and preferred to limit his few interactions to heads of state. But eventually he came to see the use of a positive relationship with the White House, since his and Sandberg’s primary political concern was executive-branch audits or oversight. They maintained a solid working relationship with Obama, and Sandberg courted Hillary Clinton’s inner circle. Throughout 2016, Sandberg had the ears of both Clinton and her top aides, advising them on everything from tech policy to the candidate’s image.

Election Night upended this strategy, not only because of Facebook’s scant ties to Trump but also because its leaders suddenly found themselves in the middle of a historic political hurricane. Rattled, Zuckerberg insisted two days after the election that it was “a pretty crazy idea” that fake news shared on the platform had “influenced the election in any way.” But Obama, still the president, was watching from Washington, and he told his staff to make time for him to speak with Zuckerberg when they were both in Lima for a conference a week later. In Peru, Obama looked Zuckerberg in the eyes and told him, “It’s not crazy,” insisting the CEO treat fake news, disinformation, and Russia seriously. Taken aback, Zuckerberg insisted it was a complex problem but not a particularly widespread one.

Back in California, Zuckerberg stewed. He was shaken, questioning his once-strong relationship with the powerful and well-liked Obama but refusing to admit fault. One month into Trump’s presidency, he published a manifesto about Facebook’s role in the world that included nothing about election interference — probably the bare minimum many Democrats would have required to continue counting Facebook as an ally. By then, people close to Zuckerberg and Sandberg were convinced the pair were obsessed with not antagonizing Republicans in and around the new White House.

It had been taken as gospel in certain Facebook circles that Sandberg would’ve been in Clinton’s Cabinet, but by late 2017, she was facing considerable resistance from even her closest allies in Democratic politics. Shortly after Minnesota senator Amy Klobuchar announced she’d be introducing legislation to make online advertising more transparent, for example, Sandberg called her. On that call, Sandberg asked that “issue ads,” as opposed to political-campaign ads, not be included and that Facebook found that nonnegotiable. Klobuchar, however, sternly told her that excluding issue ads would leave an unacceptable gap in the policy, making it a nonstarter. Facebook ultimately caved. The tide turned decisively against Sandberg early the next year when the Times revealed she’d asked staff to investigate George Soros after he made negative comments about Facebook. No rebuke was more stinging, though, than an indirect one from Michelle Obama: “It’s not always enough to lean in,” the former First Lady said in Brooklyn last December. “Because that shit doesn’t work all the time.”

For years, one of Zuckerberg’s informal rules was that Capitol Hill testimony was beneath him, so when he arrived in Washington to speak with lawmakers in April 2018 and called social-media regulation “inevitable,” those close to him viewed it as a significant double concession. Facebook leaders and their allies classified Zuckerberg’s two days in the spotlight as successful, largely thanks to older senators’ out-of-touch questions on day one, which — they felt — made Washington look behind the times and thus made Zuckerberg and Facebook appear sleek.

Even so, Zuckerberg couldn’t tolerate the hostility. During the first break in questioning on his second day of testimony in D.C., he sidled up to the House Energy and Commerce Committee’s then-chairman, Oregon Republican Greg Walden. He was surprised by how harsh the committee’s Democrats were being toward him, he told Walden. Zuckerberg had expected the Democrats to be relatively friendly, but now he was objecting to the opening remarks from New Jersey’s Frank Pallone, the committee’s top Democrat, who called Facebook “just the latest in a never-ending string of companies that vacuum up our data but fail to keep it safe” and made the case for stricter regulation. Zuckerberg’s admission was a remarkable one to make so casually to any lawmaker, let alone a Republican, and Zuckerberg didn’t share his concern with any of the committee’s 24 Democrats.

In the ensuing months, Facebook’s leaders thought they were smoothing relationships with the left by acknowledging some of their structural problems. A few weeks after Zuckerberg’s testimony, the company hired an ACLU veteran to audit the harm it had caused minorities, including by letting advertisers find ways to target users by race. However, Democrats believed the company was doing too much to appease conservatives, too: Facebook had simultaneously tapped former Republican Arizona senator Jon Kyl to review accusations of internal anti-conservative biases. Then, in September, Facebook’s top D.C. official, Joel Kaplan, a George W. Bush White House alum, was spotted at the Senate hearings for his friend Brett Kavanaugh — who’d been guided through the Supreme Court nomination process by Kyl, who then, in turn, voted for Kavanaugh upon returning to the Senate temporarily after John McCain’s death. This March, a Washington Post op-ed from Zuckerberg proposing potential regulation guidelines was greeted with eye rolls from some Capitol Hill Democrats, and in April Oregon senator Ron Wyden tried persuading regulators to make Zuckerberg personally liable for Facebook’s privacy violations.

Things reached a breaking point in late May, when Trump allies started sharing a distorted video of Nancy Pelosi and Facebook refused to take it down. Pelosi had been souring on Facebook for months, telling journalist Kara Swisher in April about her “questioning attitude” toward the company. No one from Facebook had called her to discuss those comments, and as fury now mounted in her caucus that the company wouldn’t budge on the video — and therefore continued to make money from it — Pelosi grew livid. Recognizing the peril of ending up on the House Speaker’s bad side, Zuckerberg — who has two ex–Pelosi aides on Facebook’s lobbying team — called her office to discuss the clip and disinformation more broadly. But Pelosi, fed up with him, didn’t pick up and refused to call back. In June, the House Judiciary Committee opened a probe into tech giants’ anti-competitive behavior, and Congresswoman Anna Eshoo, a close Pelosi ally who represents much of Silicon Valley, invited Roger McNamee, an early Zuckerberg adviser who has become one of his fiercest critics, to address interested lawmakers. About 30 House Democrats showed up to the dinner, which lasted around two and a half hours. “I’m not sure they yet recognize the gravity of (what’s happening),” says David Cicilline, the Rhode Island congressman who leads the House’s antitrust subcommittee. “The conduct of Facebook and the leadership of that company has been one of repeat offenders.”

Again and again, Washington Democrats were shocked that the company could be so blind to its own faults and so uninterested in doing penance. Weeks after the Pelosi-video debacle, Facebook representatives trekked back up Capitol Hill to explain the company’s new cryptocurrency plan, apparently unprepared, in Democrats’ eyes, for the skepticism they’d encounter. “Facebook is dangerous,” said Ohio senator Sherrod Brown to the Facebook official overseeing the project. “Now, Facebook might not intend to be dangerous, but surely they don’t respect the power of the technologies they’re playing with. Like a toddler who has gotten his hands on a book of matches, Facebook has burned down the house over and over and called every arson a learning experience … Facebook has demonstrated through scandal after scandal that it doesn’t deserve our trust. It should be treated like the profit-seeking corporation it is, just like any other company.”

Facebook, of course, isn’t just any other company, and Silicon Valley isn’t just any other industry. But the more leading Democratic senators treat them as such, the more Big Tech’s evolving role in politics seems poised to follow Wall Street’s from just a few years earlier — perhaps even with Silicon Valley’s leaders complaining all the while about having been forced to second-guess their support of Democrats. After all, even an Establishment Democrat like Joe Biden, devoted above all else to the principle of cooperation, has started looking askance at Big Tech. Shortly before Pelosi stopped taking Zuckerberg’s calls, Biden said breaking up Facebook is “something we should take a really hard look at.”

This spring, when Warren announced her proposal to break up companies like Facebook, an employee asked Zuckerberg about it: Was he concerned? There was already reason to believe Facebook was monitoring Warren closely — it had taken down her ads calling for its dissolution but restored them when people noticed, claiming the ads had violated company policy for depicting its logo.

I run Facebook, and she’s a presidential candidate calling to break Facebook up, Zuckerberg said onstage. Of course I’m concerned. But it hadn’t occurred to him that it might, at some point, have been worth at least trying to give Warren a call. She certainly wasn’t likely to call him anytime soon.

*This article appears in the September 16, 2019, issue of New York Magazine. Subscribe Now!

Lord & Taylor Filed for Chapter 11 Protection.
Photo: Bruce Bennett/Getty Images

Thousands of Businesses have been drive to bankruptcy by the coronavirus, and you’ve like heard of mes. But a handful of Household Names, Many of the Already Strugling before the Pandemic, Are Among the Firms Closing Stores, Laying off Employees, and Restructuring Due the Economic Turmoil of the Last Few Months. And while bankruptcy doesn’t offen Spell Death for Large Companies, It Can Sometimes Lead to Liquidation of the Business.

In the first half of 2020, more than 3,600 Companies Filed for Bankruptcy, Acciting to epic. JUST Over 600 Filed in June, Up 43 Percent from June of Last Year. And Experts predict that things are only going to get worse, break Times reports:

Edward I. Altman, The Creator of the Z Score, a Widelly Method of Predicting Business Failures, estimated that this year will Easily set a record for so-called mega bankruptcies-filings by companies with $ 1 billion or more in debt. And he experts the number of merely Large bankruptcies – at least $ 100 million – to challenge the record set the 2008 Economic Crisis.

Here are some of the Biggest Name Firms to File for Bankruptcy in 2020:

Diamond offshore and Whiting Petroleum: The two Oil Companies ciped a Steep Decrease in Demand During Lockdown and the oil Price War BetWeen Saudi Arabia and Russia.

J.Crew: The Times called J.Crew the Coronavirus’s “First Major Retail Casualty” when it Its parent Company Filed for Chapter 11 Protection in Early May. The Company Has Said “Day-to-Day Operations” Will Continue.

Gold’s Gym: The Gym Chain Proactive Closed 30 Company-Awned Gyms in April Before Declaring for Bankruptcy in May. Be said The Decision Will Not “Prevent US from Continuing to Support Our System of Nearly 700 Gyms Around the World.”

Neiman Marcus: AFTER YEARS OF BUILDING AN UNSUSTAINABLE Debt Burden, Neiman Marcus was brutalized by the coronavirus, which caused all of its 43 story to temporalily close. The Luxury Chain Is Now Consding Cloves Around The Country, Including in Manhattanwhere it is opened a three-story, 188,000-square-foot behemoth at hudson yards just Last year.

JC Penney: Prior to Coronavirus, the Footprint of the Once-Aconic Mall Retailler HAD FALLEN TO LESS THAN A QUARTER OF WHAT IT IN 2001. AFTER ITS MID-MAY BANKUPTCY FILING, IT’S’S GOING TO FALL MORE. The Company is Planning to SHTTER 154 STORES.

Hertz: If no one is traveling, no one need to rent a car. Car Rental Giant Hertz Was Dealt A “Rapid, Sudden and Dramatic” Blow by the Coronavirus, The Company Said in May, Leading to the Biggest Banking of 2020.

Tuesday Morning: Pandemic-Inpired Shutdowns Created an “Insurmountable Financial Hurdle” for the Off-Price Retailler, Which Is Planning to Close More than 200 of ITS 700 Stores.

PQ New York: The Owner of Le Pain Quotidien Closed All 98 of Its US Locations During the Pandemic and SOLD say to another restaurant company that Will Reopen 35 of the Locations and, Presumably, Close the rest.

GNC: The 85-YEAR-OLD Vitamin Retailer Saw 30 Percents of Its Storys in the US and Canada Temporary Close During the Height of the Pandemic. The “Dramatic Negative Impact” of these closes LED to a Bankruptcy Filing in Late June. Roughly 20 Percent, OR 1,200 of Its 5,800 Retail Stores Will Close.

24 Hour Fitness: AFTER its Bankruptcy Filing On June 14, 24 Hour Fitness Will Transition 133 of Its Locations to Zero Hour Fitness. That is to say, they’re closing.

Chuck E. Cheese: On the Same Day That CEC ENTERTAINMENT, WHICH OWNS 550 Chuck E. Cheese and Peter Piper Pizza Locations, Reopened 266 Venting, IT ALSO FILLED FOR BANKUPTCY. The Company Said the Filing Will Allow It to “Strengthn Our Financial Structure As we are recove from what has come to the samp the event in the event in our company history.”

Lucky Brand: Founded in 1990, The Denim Company Lucky Brand Will Close 13 of Its 200 Stores AFTER Filing for Bankruptcy Brought on by the coronavirus. “The Covid-19 Pandemic Has Sevelely Impacted Sales Across All Channels,” Intern Ceo Matthew Kanes Said in a Statement. IT ALSO ANNOUNCED PLANS FOR A SALE TO SPARC GROUP, WHICH OWNS The Brands Nautica and Aéropostale.

Brooks brothers: The iconic Clothing Company is Calling It Quits, But it is up for a Major restructuring after a bankruptcy filing on July 8. Owner Claudio del Vecchio told Break Wall Street Journal that the pandemic ravaged revenue for a company already strugling amidal a national shift to casual dress. Its Three US Factories are SLED to Close in Mid-August, and the Company Will Search for a New Buyer.

Sur la table: Nearly 50 years after the first location of the upcale kitchen Shop openned in seattle’s sittle markets, sur La Table Declared Bankruptcy, Citting the Pandemic and Preexisting Problems in the Retail Environment. IT’S CLOLLS 56 of its 121 Stoles, but CEO Jason Goldberger Said in a Statement that the post-bankruptcy “Sale process will will result in a revitalized sur la Table, positioned to thrive in a post Covid-19 retail Environment.”

New York & Company: The Mall Brand’s Parent Company, RTW RetailWinds, Filed for Bankruptcy This Month and Announedd plans “To Close a Significant Portion, if Not All, of its Brick-and-Moretar Story.”

Ann Taylor and Lane Bryant: The Company that Began in 1962 As Dressbar and Became Ascena Retail Group in 2011 Filed for Bankruptcy in July. ASCENA, WHICH HAD 53,000 Employees Last Year, plans to Close More than Half of Its 2,800 Stores, Which Also Include Loft, Lou & Gray, and Catherines Stores. Break Times notes A Strking Details About The Retailler’s Fall Over The past Five Years: “Ascenata’s Stock, Which Traded at Nearly $ 300 a Share in July 2015, HAD plunged Below $ 1 by the Company’s Bankruptcy.”

California Pizza Kitchen: Some Pizza Companies have seen increted sales during the pandemic, but they do so by relaying on carryout and delivery. California Pizza Kitchen is Larry A Sit-Down Restaurant, and in Late July, The Company Filed for Bankruptcy. CPK plans to keep its 200-plus restaurants open as it restructures.

Lord & Taylor: Another Department Store BITE The Dust. Nearly 200 years after it was founded, America’s Oldest Department Store Filed for Bankruptcy Sunday. The Move Comes Only a Year AFTER Le Tote, A Clothing-New Company, Bought the Iconic Brand and It Its Inventory for $ 100 Million. Its plan was to move it younger customers to the brick-and-mortar lord & Taylor Story and Move the Store’s Older Customers to Its Online Business. The Deal Closed in November, and Five Months Later, The World Shut Down.

Men’s Wearhouse: Tailored Brands, The Parent Company of Men’s Wearhouse and JOS. A. Bank, Filed for Bankruptcy Sunday, after months of declining sales due to the pandemic. Last Month, The Company Reported that First Quarter Sales Were Down 60 Percent. Acciting to the Wall Street JournalThe Company Operates 1,400 Stoles and Employs Roughly 18,000 Workers.

What’s the best part of the Watching Awards Shows? JUDGING Everyone’s Outfits, of Course – and tonight is no different. This Memorial Day, the American Music Awards Are Airing Live from the Fountainbleau in Las Vegas With Jennifer Lopez Serving As the host. And like the Other Awards show, we’re expert stars to show up and show out on the red carpet.

Below, we’ve ranked the best and worst dressed stars of the Night, plus the weirdests loooks that are those blowing up ours grup chats (or causing us to scratch our heads). Here’s The Good, The Bad, and the Ugly.

A fun look for a fun show – Bet she can 1, 2 step in this.

Benson Boone, You Get Extra Points for the Pussybow.

The Tie Details on Nikki GlaSer’s Dress Makes I Bit More Interesting Than Your Average LBD.

This pink is a perfect color for my girl jana. Ppg forever!

While I was so say is my favorite outfit of the Night, it does Feel Very TRUE to the New Dad’s Style.

We appreciate Heidi Doing Something Different on the Carpet, but this is giving a strange combo of elvis impersonator and disney villain.

Is she a sailor? Is she a bride? Not sura, buter Way this is is definitely wacky.

The Leather Vest, White Blouse, and Plaid Suit was a lot on its Own. But add in some ass-dies chaps and denim, and i’m more confused. This Combo is Way, Way Too Much for me to take in-Next time, keep it to one over-the-top element.

Rod Stewart Showed Out in an Interesting Getup to Accept the Ama’s Lifetime Achievement Award. Hey, at Least it’s not a plain Black Suit.

Kehlani Looks Beautiful, but This Dress is a wardrobe malfunction just waiting to openpen.

Love Heidi, Hate This.

There’s the notthing particularly offensive about this dress, it just doesn’t fit the vibe of the amas.

Renee rapp usually DOES NO WONG, but this gown feeds a bit matronly for her.

DOES THIS COLOR AMAZING ON TIFFANY HADDISH? Yes. Will you like this dress? Swimming particularly!

I have never been been excited to work ABOUT A Real Housewives Fight than i am to Write About Newbie Stephanie Laying Lisa About Her Constant Latess. Stephanie Say Has Two Pet Pees: Talking About Penises and People Who Are Late. On the first, well, light a voting every night to kiki, the Goddess of Male Anatomy, Because All I Want to Talk About Are “Dicks, Penises, and Balls.” But on the second point, i is conflict more. There is absolutely nothing worse in the entity world than late people.

I’m not talking about People who can be occisionally late. That of understand. Meetings Run over, Phones Get Lost, and Traffic Becomes A Nightmare. If you’re running late, send a text and let me know what is happy; You’re absolved. Also, as someone who has spent Most of his life in urban Environments, everyone gets a 15-minute grace periods publication is unrelible, and social, no matter how early you leave, the world conspires against you.

What I HATE IS LATE People With A Capital L and A Capital P. We All Know – Those People Who Are Constantly Tardy No Matter You’re Meeting or What You Doing. I will have swimming in my life Becausee i just won’t tolerate. That’s not entirery TRUE. One of my besties is consistently 10 minutes late. That of Can Handle. I just show up 10 minutes late, and we’re there together, basically on time with the 15-minute grace period. What I Can’t Stand Are People Like Lisa, Who Are Always 30, 45, OR 90 Minutes late. In this instance, she is Two-And-a-Half Hours late. That is a whopping 150 minutes lati while every one sits in a sprinter van with nothing to be except wait for one lady who can’t get her shit together. It is galling, and if someone did that to me, i would never talk to say again.

Lisa Shows up to the van to go to alexia’s Goddess Party, and when she says, there is no apology, no excuse, no explanation. She just tells everyone they look amazing in the hopes that they’ll just let her tardiness slide, nor they have so many before. We get a great montage of it, Including Andy Cohen Looking More Annoyed than a Twink Turnks Him Down. You’re going to make Andy, essentially your boss, Wait for that long? For what? For Why? What is she doing? What is so important that it takes her that much longer than Everyone Else? She doesn’t look any better, she dosesn’t have a more complicated life, she dosesn’t have a real job. Why is she so late?

Something is different this time, and ist of Stephanie. As soon as lisa gets on the bus she shas, ​​”lisa, do you think your time is more important than all of our ours or you’re valuable? Are we supposed to celebrate your entrance? Exactly! Yes! This is what i want to say to all lat People. You’re not better than me, and to make me waste mythical Day Because of Your Carelessness is not an option. Again, 10, 15, 20 minutes, fine. Two and a half hours! That is unbellievable. Someone Should Fire that Woman Straight Into The Moon.

What is more unbellievable is that none of the women have said anything to her all of the years. Both marysol and larsa, in their confessionals, admit that they are putting up with this years and not saying anyding. What is Wrong with say? If i was stuck with a coworker like lisa, i would yell at her unil she was more punctual. Acutally, no. I would insist that, after an hour, the bus leaves, lisa misses out, doesn’t get to be in the episode, and therefore does not get paid. I’m sorry, but it is unacceptable, not only the other women, but to the producers, cameramen, sound guys, after, and Everyone Else Necessary to Film This Show. If I were a producer, I Waled Dock Lisa’s Pay Every time she was more than 30 minutes Late with valid excuse she’s costing say Money in overtime.

Lisa’s Only Retort is that that Stephanie dosesn’t know her very well and it’s rude the way she’s talking to her. Lisa has to Police Stephanie’s tone Becausee she has no argument based on the merit. There is no reason to be that lat ever. Ever! And she knows there is no reason for it, so she has to attach how Stephanie is saying it Rather than what she’s saying. What really galls with that after that is that that is stephanie is going to bat for the whole group, and none of the Other women have her back. They were all bitching About Lisa’s Lanets before she arive and Stephanie gave me the perfect Excuse to say, “actually, lisa, we will know you well, we know you.

To her credit, larrs does pipe up to try to say to say, but lisa use a simillar argument with larsa, saying that they are not on speaking terms, larva can’t talk to her. I’m sorry, i have never spoken to lisa in my life, i know her tan tan stephanie, and i am sitsting here telling her that she is rude, classless, self-involved, and an all-around bad for Constantly disrespecting and not valuing her. So there!

Whew, child. I am glad i got that out, and i can’t be to continue this rant again next week women finally arrive at alexia’s goddess so lat The Could have the entity of Titanic in the time it is to go to get. At Least Alexia Get to Hang Out with Her New Guru, Daniel Chidiac. I don’t know who this guy is, what he would, or if we should believe Him. There is one thing that is know, and it is that is hotter than the inside of a short-circuiting air fryer. I WOULD DO WHATEVER THIS MAN TOLD WITH DO WELL, SO I GET WHY ALEXIA IS SO transfixed, and i just wish she was used to get over todd and under daniel. I think is the kind of self-help that she really needs.

There wasn’t much else going on in the rest of the episode. We spent a lot of time with Stephanie and Her Collection of Birkins, but due to the eileen davidson accords, we can’t judge her for a few more episodes. She was introded so late in the season, iT”s going to be the reunion by the time we get to pipe in.

Guerdy and Julia Have a Sit-Down Following Their Brawl at MarySol’s Wedding Reception, and They Both sort of apologize and they both sort of don’t. Julia Says She’s Sorry for Screaming and Throwing Water at Guerdy, but Never Says That Sorry for Saying that they never Friends or what she was telling and that happened on the cruise that started this whole argument. Guerdy Says Sorry for Saying That Julia Went to Get A FaceliFe while Martina Was in Cancer Treatment and Explains She Only to Hurt Julia Hurt Her. This fight continues as a stalemate, and i have a Feeling, like Carrie and Aiden’s Relationship on And just like that…It ‘Only Going to Get Worsse As The Season Continues.

Larsa and kiki had a great scnene with kiki’s son Shemar, who was home from College and hanging out with his equally adorable friend. Kiki is trying to repair Her Relationship with Her Father and Her Father’s Relationship with Shemat and She Gets Some Great Advice from (checks notes) Larsa? No. That can’t be right. Larsa has never taken the time to think about oters long enough to offer good Advice. But sometimes she is, telling kiki not to call her haer and admonish him about postbly forgetting shemar’s birthday the next day, but to instead of them. Larsa knows that a man likes to fall empowered, like to think to think the idea Himself, this thing we know nothing in the world happies with a Woman reminding a man to do it. Be kiki isn’t sura how or one to call her dad, grasps tells to call Him right then. She calls, it goes well, and larsa, for the first time in her natural life, has kept a family together.

Speaking of No-Good Men, there are a Few Things at the top of the episode that editors placed for us to be worried about Lisa’s Relationship with Jody. The first is when Hurricane Milton Was Barling in Miami, and Lisa Asks IF they have Hurricane Insurance and Says that is mandated by Florida Law to have it. CEO is Wrongbut jody tells her, “don’t worry about it.” Sorry, never trust a man who Says not to worry about it. That’s probably what joe giudice told teli every time she is asced all the weird mail they were getting from banks. If your partner doesn’t care about you enough to explain something and just want you to Trust his knowledge, that is a red flog than Lindsay Lohan’s Original Hair Color.

The Second Instance Occurs will she’s in her confessional and discussing her settlement aggregation with Lenny, at Which Point We Hear Off-Camera Piping Her to Hold off. She Says Jody Knows More About It Than She Does. Oh, Molly, you in Danger, Girl. This man seams to be insinuating himself into lisa’s life in all sorts of Possibly nefarious ways. Or at the least that how the show have been to appendar. AFTER ALL, Maybe he just caring for her, maybe he’s just makeup sura that someone has her back. How Can She Pay Attention to What is or Isn’t in Her Settlement Agreement when she seven be bothered to show up on time?

Robert Redford.
Photo: Silver Screen Collection/Getty Images

Robert Redford-The Oscar-Winning Director and Actor Known for His Work on Films Including Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid, All the President’s Men, Ordinary People, and many more – is dead at 89. “Robert Redford Passed Away on September 16, 2025, at his home at the Mountains of Utah – the place he loved, surrounded by those he loved. Cnn. “The Family Requests Privacy.” No Cause of Death Was Shared, But Berger Told the New York Times that redford died in his sleep.

Born in 1936 in Santa Monica, California, Redford Became One of Hollywood’s Most In-Demand Leading Men Following His Breakthrough Role as a Charismatic Outlaw Alongside Paul Newman in 1969’s Butch Cassidy and the Sundance Kid. He estabished Himself as a Heartthrob by Starring Alongside Jane Fonda in Barefoot in the parkBarbra Streisand in The way we were, and Meryl Streep in Out of Africabut he was know for a variety of genres in a filmography that includes Three Days of the Condor, The Old Man & The Gun, Quiz showand Avengers: Endgame, Among Many Other Titles.

In his 40s, Redford Also Built A Reputation for HIS Work Behind the Camera. Although he reciped his first Oscar nomination for Acting in the 1973 Caper Film The Stingit was his his feature director debut, Ordinary People, that Earned Him His First Win at the Academy Awards in 1980. Has also served as an executive product on a number of projects, Most recently on AMC’s Dark Winds.

Offscreen, he was know for his work with the Sundance Institute, the NonProfit he founded in 1981 that has launched Independent filmmakers to fame for decades of annual Sundance Film Festival. And outside of the Entertainment industry, he was a long-service national resources defensive council Trustee Known for his Environment Effforts, especilantly in utah. He Moved there in 1961 and Went on to successFully Campaign Against a Six-Lane Highway and a Coal-Fired Power Plant in the State. Wen Barack Obama Presented Redford with the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2016, He Praised Redford for HIS Support of US National Parks and Natural Resources and describedat Him as “One of the Foremost Conservationists of Our Generation.”

Platonic

Road Trip

Season 2

Episode 6

Editor’s rating

4 Stars

****

Will, Sylvia, and Katie Hit the Road, Where they Discover Some Hards About Themselves and Each Other.
Photo: Apple TV+

This season has involved quite a bit of travel Around Southern California, especally thanks to Will’s Long Commute. But this weeke Platonic is the first offering Road Trip Episode, A Risk 24-Minute Journey During which Both of Our Central Characters OverCome their Denial and Come to important understandings. And it is mighty be live on killer one-liners Compared to Other Installments, there’s the plenty of Silliness here to kepEPRING FROM Getting Bogged Down.

The impetus for the road trip is sylvia’s daughter frances’s debate tournament in palm desert, which happens to be near a johnny 66 corplate retitia in la quinta. SO Will Hitches a Ride, Determined to Confront Jenna in Person, Though Though She Clearly Hates His Guts and Wants Him Gone. Also along for the ride: katie, who doesn’t actually have anywhere to be. She just wants Company while she and the Disturbing News that Her Man-Child Ex-Husband (Joe, Not Andy) is Expecting A Child with his New, Younger Wife.

Frances Gets Dropped off Early in the Episode, SO the Bulk of the Road Trip is JUST WILL, SYLVIA, AND KATIE, The Three of the Can’t Go Without Screaming at One Another. Everyone in this Car Knows, for Example, that it’s a Bad Idea for Will to See Jenna. But he’s his typically stubborn, defensive self, unwilling to list. At the least Katie understands where he’s coming from, Having been divorced herself and recalling the grief and confusion that follows a Big Breakup. Sylvia is on the outside, desperately attempting to related by bringing up a college ex.

Will and Katie Develop an Unexpectly Companionable Relationship in this Episode, to the point that wondered if the show was setting up a new Ill-advised romantic pairing. (Their hanging out alone at the end of the suggests the positionbility.) But their dynamic mainly serves to highlights between and sylvia, who has always thught of her life as far more stable than two chaotic best. That’s Starting to Change Now, In the Wake of Charlie’s Deededly Unstable Choice to Break The Home of A Jeopardy! Executive.

Charlie is Still Clearly Going Through Something, and Sylvia Knows; Early on in “Road Trip,” She Suggets Therapy, but he rejets the idea immediately. He’d rather just put this all beebind say – an unrealistic idea bassed on how Much his Jeopardy! Failure Still Lives with Him. He’s still dreaming about it (another opportunity to have ken jennings back), and he almost has a panic attack that day at the office, hallucinating anyone whistling the Jeopardy! theme in the restroom. Seeing the fright on his coworker’s face, Charlie realizs he can’t ignore this any Longer.

But sylvia feeds that are temptation to ignore the problem, this is if she was to be to get getting help in the first place. At the red wolf tavern, where the trio stops for lunch, she leans deep intto denial by downplaying the Craziness of what happy night with Will and Charlie. “Boys Will Be Boys,” She Nonsissensically Repeats, unable to come with any real Justification for Her Husband’s Behavior. She’s SO SET ON Appearing Normal That She Gets Personal, Acting Superior to Will and Katie – Her Life is Supposedly so stable and predicable and “Organizationally” different from theirs. Nothing Could Ever Disturb Her Perfect Life, Could it?

Of Course, We All Know that Sylvia is Just As Crazy As Will, this if she’s more mature and settled down. Will’s Issues Are Just More Obivious and Simple Right Now. Once they’re back on the road, katie discovers a giant stuffed penguin crammed into His bag, an intended peace offering for the retreat. In the struggle that ensemble, the penguin is ripped apart, sylvia’s minivan steers off the road, and a rock puts a sizable crack in her windshield. This potentially dooms say to 48 hours in the Nearest Town.

This is the type of thing Charlie Wauld Usually Help Sylvia with, but will she calls, she finds out he dealing with his own, Much Bigger Problems. In just a few hours, he has come around to the idea of ​​Therapy. The scnene that follows, with sylvia opening up to her friends about her religion on charlie, is a highlight of the episode. IT’S GRATIFYING TO SEE HER ADMIT THAT Charlie is usablely the rock, and that she dosesn’t know how to play that roles. And it is a touching to see her friends Respond with unconsential support – especally will, who enCouges her to ask Herself the Question, “What Wold Charlie will right now?”

Sylvia does get her minivan back through unconventional means: Bashing the Entire Windshield in to, Well, Eliminate the Crack. And though she trees one last time to delay her Husband by offering help with moving some brewing equipment, she does eventually Head Home. Meanwhile, Will Has Come to the Inevitable Conclusion that he cannot go on this retreat. He Calls up corplate and tenders Hisignation, then some brewing Equipment off red, whose brewery is going out of Business. If this Shitty Little Bar is Ever Going to Happy, Will Needs to Move on and Commit, and he Can Acknowledge That Now. It’s a prey big moment for Him.

“Road Trip” DOES FEEL LIKE ANOTHER TRANSITAL EPISODES, IN A SENSE, but is the pridey substantial for its relatively Short Length. This is the end of one phase of this season’s story, closing the loop on Will’s Johnny 66 Days and His Engagement, but the Road Ahead for Sylvia and Charlie Be Complicated. Will Shoulder the More Dramatic Storyline in the First Half of the Season, But Now It May Be His Friend’s Turn. Nobody can be rock all the time.

• We Hear Multiple Clips from Katie’s Podcast, Breaking the Glass Ceiling, Accompanked by a Way-toio-Loud Glass-Shattering Sound Effect.

• The Boss Mama Post-Breakup Three-Step Process: Go With Your Gut, Follow Your Heart, and Do Whatever You Feel Like. Neither sylvia points out, they’re all kind of the sun.

• in an attempt to test she’s normal – and not too too for hamburger buns – sylvia shoves an entire burger in time mouth ata. Makes sense.

• I Enjoy the short bits of the mechanics menacingly stepping close to prevent sylvia from leaving with the car. “We can’t let you do,” The Biggest One Says. “Woldn’t be safe or legal.”

• I DIubt the Show Would Go With Will and Katie, But for Some Reason, I Can Just Picture Rose Byrne’s Horrified Expressions when finds her best friends have been sleeping together.

• The closing song this is Lizzy Mcalpine’s “Older,” an approprately melancholy Choice for sylvia’s Trip Home to Charlie.

First Comes an Album, THEN COMES MARIGAGE.
Photo: Harrison phrase/getty images

If you’re ready, come and get it – it being the wedding rings. After a nearly 10-month-long Engagement, Selena Gomez and Benny Blanco Are Maried. While we had big ques tesions about the Big Day, like Who Her Dress LOOKED LIKE, THERE’S THING WE’RE HOPING FOR THEIR BIG WEDDING: WHERE THE SERVED TACO BELL OR NOT. Below, what we have learn about the Biggest Pop Music Wedding of the Year.

Somewhere in Santa Barbara in Big Covered Tent, at Least Acciting to Aerial Shots of the Venue by Tmz. WHICH IS PROBABLY WHY THE VENUE IS ALL COVERED UP.

Obvi. Selgo Wore a Backless Halter Dress, Which Gathered Into a Sort of Lacy Turtleneck/Cravate Thing. Her bouquet was a Simple Sprig of Something with Teeny Flowers, Very Cutesy Very Diy. Benny Blanco Wore a Suite and Bowtie.

Steve Martin, Martin Short (but Meryl Streep), and Paul Rudd Were all Reportedly Spotted at A Luxury Hotel in Santa Barbara Harper’s Bazaar. Selgo’s Bestie, Taylor Swift, was also suggested to be in town for the Big Event – unfortunately, travis kelce is unlikly to attend synce a football game on Sunday. Other Stars Said to Be Invited Were Ed sheeran, Wizards Beyond Waverly Place Star David Henrie, and Nicky and Paris Hilton.

Gomez’s Grandfather was gioven extra attention at the affair. Selena Said on a podcast earlier this year that she was skipping a first dance with blancing in order to have a special dance with g-p. “I am looking to have a special dance with my pope,” she said on Table Manners with Jessie and Lennie Ware. “He never got a chance to walk my mom down the aisle Becausee – Goood for my mom – deeded to go to vegas and was like, ‘wooo!’” WOOO INDEED.

The Living Room with Original Stained-Glass Windows.
Photo: James Cooper/VHT Photography/Douglas Elliman

When Sidney R. Bowen was a Kid, Architects Wold Show Up at House in Mason City, Iowa, Hoping to Get a Look Inside. Bowen and His Family Lived in a Prairie-Style Home, The Samuel Davis Drake House on the Cliffside of the Rock Glen-Rock Crest History-Essentially The Only Completed Prairie-Style Community in the Country. (The NeighBorhood’s Architects, Marion Mahony Griffin and Walter Burley Griffin, Shared An Oak Park Studio with Frank Lloyd Wright, The Most Famous of All Prairie School Architects, Forging What Writ Work Late to AS “The New School of the Middle West. “)” I spent a lot of time in those houses and the details were so unlike Everything Else in Iowa, WHICH WAS ALL EATHER RANCE OR COLONIALS-The Broad Eaves and Open Plan, the Indoor-to-Outdoor Connections, Were Unique at Time. In Marketing at General Mills-He Landed Olympian Bruce Jenner on the Wheaties Box-and was Ready to build a HIS Own. I Became Close for the Rest of His Life, ”Says Bowen.

Howe First Designed a Little Lakefront Proppery in Minnesota for Bowen, THEN, Several Years Later AFTER Howe, Got A Job at Sara Lee, Another, Large House in New Canan, Connecticut. That House was Completed in 1981. (Another Famous Wright Disciple, Edgar TafeelWho was based in new York, Collaborated on the New Canan Project Because How in Minnesota and Felt It Needed Someone on Site.) It”s Clearly A Property with Wright Affinies – there’s stained glas, exposed and stone and an arced, South-Facing Windows Looking out onto the Connecticut Woods.

Last Week, The New Canan House, at 22 Father Peters Lane, Went on the Market Asking $ 3.99 Million. The home was Designed in accordance with WRIGHT’S Philosophy of Compression and Release-Smaller, Low-Ceiling Bedrooms and Other Auxilary Spaces Contratsted with Grand, High-Ceiling Living Spaces, Chau Ngo Prutting, The Douglas Elliman List, Told. (Earlier this year, prutting sold another architecture distinguished New Canan Home, The Frank Lloyd Wright -Decesins Tirrannafor $ 6 million.) The Wealthy Connecticut Suburb is Known for Its Abundance of Mid-Century Modern Homes, Designed by Philip Johnson, Marcel Breuer, and Other Members of the Harvard Five, but the Frank Lloyd WRIGH Harder-edged Houses: Organic with Softer, Curving Lines and A Careful Consideration of the Landscape.

“The Little House is in a really unique spot-i ae seven-acre parcel that goes down almost to the reservoir. It ‘really in the wods; Over the years, Other Houses have Been Built Nearby, so Its not quite so isolated as itaa was, he adds, but being on seven Acres Certainly Helps. Wen we spoke, though, bowen was quick to point out that the new canan house han substantily alterad in other ways – the two owners after it from its originprint of 3,000 Square feet to about 7,200. “It was a small house. It was probably inevitable that it would be Changed,” he Says. “The Worst Move Was the New Kitchen in the back. Butsese Things Happy.” Bowen Only Lived in the House for a Short Time-He found an irresistible full of Land on the stamford waterfront, Collaborate with howe on another house, and realized that this, not a corpore jab (he was working at an Executive-search firm), was Spend the rest of his life doing. He’s been an architect for the past 30 years. Howe WROTE HIS Letter of Recommendation to Mit.)

“The Kitchen was Very compressed – it was fine for a couple, but my clients wanted away,” Says Prutting. They use materials that matched and complement the original home, she adds – Cypress Wood and Delaware River Stone (from a pennsylvania Quarry, not the river itelf) Has a warm, Pinkish Hue. Kitchens are one of the MANY STICKING POINTS FOR BUYERS OF OLDER, ARCHITECTURALLY SIGNIFICANT HOMES-IN MID-CENTURY MODERNS AND WRIGHT HOUSES, They’re Typically Small, Functional Spaces Don’t Square with the Big, Open Center-Luxury Modern Expect. (A recent Wall Street Journal article On Frank Lloyd Wright – Inspired Home Kits Notes That Was One of the Main Distinations BetWene Wright’s Designs and the New Kits.) The home also a Large Primary suite, Added by Previous Owners, and Now in Four Bedrooms and Six Baths.

But MANY ASPECTS OF THE HOUSE REMAIN-The Arced Shape Insided by Wright’s Hemisphere Houses is designated to be warmed by the sun, with south-facing. (Bowen Told with They Designed Shutters to Go Over the Windows in the Evening-He Dubted they were Still there, butn, Windows are Much Better at Heat-Retention.) And, he adds, although he didn’t live there long, it helped take to where he is now. “Howe was a mentor to me in an interesting way,” he says. “I’m His Only Living Client.” And while he dosesn’t live in a howe house now, and hasn’t for many years, “in the end, it drove with back to what i cared.”

The House Has Large, Wood Framed Windows and is Designed in Communication with the Landscape.
Photo: James Cooper/VHT Photography/Douglas Elliman

The home is located on nearly seven acres.
Photo: James Cooper/VHT Photography/Douglas Elliman

The House’s Design is inspired by Frank Lloyd Wright’s Hemisphere Houses.
Photo: James Cooper/VHT Photography/Douglas Elliman

The House Has Had Two Additions Since It Was Built, Taking the Total Square Feet from Around 3,000 to Just Over 7,000.
Photo: James Cooper/VHT Photography/Douglas Elliman

The Original Kitchen, in Keeping with Frank Lloyd Wright’s Designs, was late expanded.
Photo: James Cooper/VHT Photography/Douglas Elliman

Do Kitchen was added late.
Photo: James Cooper/VHT Photography/Douglas Elliman

The Home’s Large Windows Face South.
Photo: James Cooper/VHT Photography/Douglas Elliman

A Primary Bedroom Suite, Added by Subsequent Owners.
Photo: James Cooper/VHT Photography/Douglas Elliman

Bands of Wood and Windows Are Common Features in the Home.
Photo: James Cooper/VHT Photography/Douglas Elliman